The more accurate analysis is the anti-war movement prevented Humphrey frump getting elected. The debacle of Dem convection really put Humphrey in the hole. If the campaign had gone on for another month, he would have won. Nixon fought the anti-war crowd his whole time in office. You say you read a lot about Nam, that doesn’t what you read, right.
I’m not a ‘‘billionaire’’ so how are we alike.
Humphrey and Nixon both ran on ending the war.
“I pledge to you that we shall have an honorable end to the war in Vietnam.”
Humphrey didn’t go real anti-war until the last couple months of the campaign. That’s when he started to real in Nixon. Nixon was not a likable person and anti-war was all he had going for him.
Who the hell do you think you’re kidding?
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=29604
I mean seriously, have you heard of the internet?
Vietnam and Asia
Our most urgent task in Southeast Asia is to end the war in Vietnam by an honorable and lasting settlement which respects the rights of all the people of Vietnam. In our pursuit of peace and stability in the vital area of Southeast Asia we have borne a heavy burden in helping South Vietnam to counter aggression and subversion from the North.We reject as unacceptable a unilateral withdrawal of our forces which would allow that aggression and subversion to succeed. We have never demanded, and do not now demand, unconditional surrender by the communists.
We strongly support the Paris talks and applaud the initiative of President Johnson which brought North Vietnam to the peace table. We hope that Hanoi will respond positively to this act of statesmanship.
In the quest for peace no solutions are free of risk. But calculated risks are consistent with the responsibility of a great nation to seek a peace of reconciliation.
Recognizing that events in Vietnam and the negotiations in Paris may affect the timing and the actions we recommend, we would support our Government in the following steps:
Bombing: Stop all bombing of North Vietnam when this action would not endanger the lives of our troops in the field; this action should take into account the response form Hanoi.
Troop Withdrawal: Negotiate with Hanoi an immediate end or limitation of hostilities and the withdrawal from South Vietnam of all foreign forces—both United States and allied forces, and forces infiltrated from North Vietnam.
Election of Postwar Government: Encourage all parties and interests to agree that the choice of the postwar government of South Vietnam should be determined by fair and safeguarded elections, open to all major political factions and parties prepared to accept peaceful political processes. We would favor an effective international presence to facilitate the transition from war to peace and to assure the protection of minorities against reprisal.
Interim Defense and Development Measures: Until the fighting stops, accelerate our efforts to train and equip the South Vietnamese army so that it can defend its own country and carry out cutbacks of U.S. military involvement as the South Vietnamese forces are able to take over their larger responsibilities. We should simultaneously do all in our power to support and encourage further economic, political and social development and reform in South Vietnam, including an extensive land reform program. We support President Johnson’s repeated offer to provide a substantial U.S. contribution to the postwar reconstruction of South Vietnam as well as to the economic development of the entire region, including North Vietnam. Japan and the European industrial states should be urged to join in this postwar effort.
For the future, we will make it clear that U.S. military and economic assistance in Asia will be selective. In addition to considerations of our vital interests and our resources, we will take into account the determination of the nations that request our help to help themselves and their willingness to help each other through regional and multilateral cooperation.
We want no bases in South Vietnam; no continued military presence and no political role in Vietnamese affairs. If and when the communists understand our basic commitment and limited goals and are willing to take their chances, as we are, on letting the choice of the post-war government of South Vietnam be determined freely and peacefully by all of the South Vietnamese people, then the bloodshed and the tragedy can stop.
Japan, India, Indonesia, and most of the smaller Asian nations are understandably apprehensive about Red China because of its nuclear weapons, its support of subversive efforts abroad, and its militant rhetoric. They have been appalled by the barbaric behavior of the Red Guards toward the Chinese people, their callous disregard for human life and their mistreatment of foreign diplomats.
The immediate prospect that China will emerge from its self-imposed isolation is dim. But both Asians and Americans will have to coexist with the 750 million Chinese on the mainland. We shall continue to make it clear that we are prepared to cooperate with China whenever it is ready to become a responsible member of the international community. We would actively encourage economic, social and cultural exchange with mainland China as a means of freeing that nation and her people from their narrow isolation.
We support continued assistance to help maintain the independence and peaceful development of India and Pakistan.
Recognizing the growing importance of Asia and the Pacific, we will encourage increased cultural and educational efforts, such as those undertaken in multi-racial Hawaii, to facilitate a better understanding of the problems and opportunities of this vast area.
I lived it. You have no idea what you’re talking about. Party platforms had no relation to what the candidates ran on. Humphrey clung to the Johnson doctrine for the first month after the convention and his numbers were going down. He then turned 180* and went full on anti-war and in number completely turned around. As I said, if the campaign went another month, Humphrey very well would have won.
I lived it too and some of us understand that the platform is set at the convention.
You aren’t fooling anyone.
You don’t act like it. Why id you try to pass of that convention platform as Humphry’s campaign and why did you not know he ran backing Johnson when he first came out of the convention?
It was his platform as set at the convention. You aren’t fooling anyone.
That’s not what happened. And you apparently don’t know that.
I not only know it, I posted a copy of it.
It’s not what he ran his campaign on. You say you lived it, but I can’t believe you were even as old as high school to not have remembered exactly how the campaign went.
