Not knowing what you are talking about seems to be a team sport around here lately.
The Reagan years (1981-1989)Edit
In December 1979, a delegation from the American Security Council, lead by General John Singlaub reassured Guatemalan officials that overt military assistance would resume, should Reagan win the election. The message the team sent made clear that, “Mr. Reagan recognizes that a good deal of dirty work has to be done.”[46][47]
In April 1981, the Reagan national security team agreed to supply military aid to the Guatemalan army in order to exterminate the guerrillas and their “civilian support mechanisms”, i.e. “politicized people”.[48][49] That year, the Reagan administration approved a $2 million CIA covert action program for Guatemala.[50] Top Guatemalan military leaders were then put on the CIA payroll.[51]
In an investigative report, American newspaper columnist Jack Anderson revealed in August, 1981, at the height of the aid prohibition, that the United States was using Cuban exiles to train security forces in Guatemala; in this operation, Anderson wrote, the CIA had arranged for “secret training in the finer points of assassination.”[52]
In mid 1982, the administration deployed a U.S. adviser to teach Guatemalan military cadets “anything our Army has,” according to U.S. Green Beret Jesse Garcia, who was serving as the instructor at the time. This included training in “ambushes, surveillance, combat arms, artillery, armor, patrolling, demolition and helicopter assault tactics.” In summary, Garcia said, the United States provided expertise in “how to destroy towns.”[53]
In their assessment of U.S. aid to Guatemala in 1983, the editors of the Economist asserted that “What liberal Americans can reasonably expect is that a condition of military help to Guatemala should be an easing of the political persecution of the centre — which played into the hands of the extreme left in the first place.”[54] “The others evidently deserve their fate,” Noam Chomsky observed.[55]
In fiscal years 1981, 1982 and 1983, overt US military aid deliveries totaled $3.2 million, $4 million and $6.36 million respectively; a combined total of approximately $13.54 million (shipments included vital overhauls for previously acquired Bell UH-1 helicopters and A-37 counterinsurgency aircraft).[56] Under contracts licensed by the US Department of Commerce, twenty three Jet-Ranger helicopters, worth $25 million, were delivered to the Guatemalan armed forces between December 1980 and December 1982 (which shared interchangeable parts with previously acquired units and incoming military spare parts).[57] Other arms provisions made through the US Department of Commerce between 1981 and 1983 included laser aimed sights for automatic rifles, grenade launchers, two transport planes, and eight T-37 trainers. With the coordination of the CIA and the Pentagon, ten U.S. ex-Belgian M41 Walker Bulldog tanks, worth $36 million, were delivered to the Guatemalan Armed Forces via the Dominican Republic in late 1981.[58]
Human Rights Watch in 1984 criticized U.S. President Ronald Reagan for his December 1982 visit to Ríos Montt in Honduras, where Reagan dismissed reports of human rights abuses by prominent human rights organizations while insisting that Ríos Montt was receiving a “bum rap”. The organization reported that soon after, the Reagan administration announced that it was dropping a five-year prohibition on arms sales and moreover had “approved a sale of $6.36 million worth of military spare parts,” to Ríos Montt and his forces.[59]