A rather interesting constitutional conundrum relating to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (out of the 5th Circuit)

Above is a link to the unanimous Opinion of the Court in *Community Financial Services Association of America, Limited; Consumer Service Alliance of Texas, Plaintiffs—Appellants, versus Consumer Financial Protection Bureau; Rohit Chopra, in his official capacity as Director, Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Defendants—Appellees.

I should note that all three Judges on the panel are Trump appointees.

The panel held for the Defendant/Appellees on three of four issues.

It is the fourth issue with which the panel not only held for the Plaintiffs/Appellants, but essentially wiped out the CFPB in the process.

The fourth issue is the unique funding structure of the CFPB. It receives no appropriated funds from the Treasury. Instead, it is statutorily authorized to fund itself by requests to the Federal Reserve, though the amount that can be requested is limited by the authorizing statute.

The court found this funding method unconstitutional and thus struck down the entire statute and agency as unconstitutional.

The relevant portion of the Opinion of the Court begins at page 23 of the document.

I have quoted an extensive portion of the Opinion that defines the issue.

Most anomalous is the Bureau’s self-actualizing, perpetual funding mechanism. While the great majority of executive agencies rely on annual appropriations for funding, the Bureau does not. See 12 U.S.C. § 5497(a). Instead, each year, the Bureau simply requisitions from the Federal Reserve an amount “determined by the Director to be reasonably necessary to carry out” the Bureau’s functions.11 Id. The Federal Reserve must grant that request so long as it does not exceed 12% of the Federal Reserve’s “total operating expenses.” 12 U.S.C. § 5497(a)(1)–(2).12 The funds siphoned by the Bureau, in effect, reduce amounts that would otherwise flow to the general fund of the Treasury, as the Federal Reserve is required to remit surplus funds in excess of a limit set by Congress. See 12 U.S.C. § 289(a)(3)(B).

The Bureau thus “receives funding directly from the Federal Reserve, which is itself outside the appropriations process through bank assessments.” Seila Law, 140 S. Ct. at 2194; see 12 U.S.C. § 5497(a).13 So Congress did not merely cede direct control over the Bureau’s budget by insulating it from annual or other time limited appropriations. It also ceded indirect control by providing that the Bureau’s self-determined funding be drawn from a source that is itself outside the appropriations process—a double insulation from Congress’s purse strings that is “unprecedented” across the government. All Am. Check Cashing, 33 F.4th at 225 (Jones, J., concurring). And where the Federal Reserve at least remains tethered to the Treasury by the requirement that it remit funds above a statutory limit, Congress cut that tether for the Bureau, such that the Treasury will never regain one red cent of the funds unilaterally drawn by the Bureau.

This novel cession by Congress of its appropriations power—its very obligation “to maintain the boundaries between the branches,” id. at 231— is in itself enough to give grave pause. But Congress went to even greater lengths to take the Bureau completely off the separation-of-powers books. Indeed, it is literally off the books: Rather than hold funds in a Treasury account, the Bureau maintains “a separate fund, . . . the ‘Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection Fund,’” which “shall be maintained and established at a Federal [R]eserve bank.” 12 U.S.C. § 5497(b)(1). This fund is “under the control of the Director,” and the monies on deposit are permanently available to him without any further act of Congress. Id. § 5497(c)(1). Thus, contra the Federal Reserve, id. § 289(a)(3)(B), the Bureau may “roll over” the self-determined funds it draws ad infinitum.

To underscore the point, the Act explicitly states that “[f]unds obtained by or transferred to the Bureau Fund shall not be construed to be Government funds or appropriated monies.” Id. § 5497(c)(2). To underscore it again, Congress expressly renounced its check “as a restriction upon the disbursing authority of the Executive department,” Cincinnati Soap, 301 U.S. at 321, by legislating that “funds derived from the Federal Reserve System . . . shall not be subject to review by the Committees on Appropriations of the House of Representatives and the Senate.” Id. § 5497(a)(2)(C).

While I generally, (but with some reservations), support the CFPB, I am also quite sympathetic to the Opinion of the Court and its arguments.

I would like to see Congress proactively step in and change the CFPB to an appropriated format. That would solve the problem entirely. They should not attempt to fight the court decision, which I believe to be correct. The should simply FIX the funding mechanism and make it a constitutional appropriated entity. They could do this in the lame duck session.

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I agree with your conclusion.

I’ll believe it when I see it but currently…the CFPB is out of control. It is my hope that Rs win in November and reel this turd of an organization back in or simply eliminate it’s existence.

how about, do away with it? when did it become my responsibility to protect you from your buying habits?

Or when was there even an enumerated power for this in the first place?

The “enumerated power” ship sailed permanently after the Civil War. It is never coming back to port.

Yes, I agree that the Federal Government has overstepped its enumerated powers by a lot.

I also agree that attempting to scale back those powers would likely lead to a bloody revolution.

Lets try abolishing Social Security and Medicare and see what happens.

No politician interested in self survival or political survival is going to push this issue.

For all intents and purposes, the enumerated power doctrine is dead.

Consumer protection is a popular concept. A political party interested in gaining and retaining power should be very circumspect in how they prune the CFPB. It should be pruned, but pruned CAREFULLY.

I am pragmatic. I support doing what is politically possible and not screwing that up by trying to do the politically impossible.

Pruning and reforming the CFPB I support. Abolishing it is politically untenable. There is too much public support across the board in both parties for consumer protection.

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I agree it should not protect you from yourself.

Now the rule under challenge is not that type of rule. It simply prohibits pay day lenders from trying an account withdrawal attempt more than two times. If it hasn’t come out by the 2nd time, it ain’t going to come out the 11th. And each failed attempt just puts the consumer farther in the hole with fees and makes it LESS likely the payday lender will get his money back.

That is not a protect you from yourself rule, but a rule to stop abusive behavior.

A protect yourself from yourself rule would abolish payday lending altogether.

Again, reform is both the best course of action and the most expedient course of action. And there are numerous reforms that should be made.

The civil war was not an amendment to the Constitution. Governance by constitutional means survived it at any rate, at least till FDR and company slimed their way across the national stage.

Progressive legislation, passed by the Republicans in the 1880’s and brought to fruition under Theodore Roosevelt was the precursor of the New Deal and the Great Society. William Howard Taft nobly tried to put a stop to it, but Theodore Roosevelt and his Bull Moose Party effectively ended that.

The Enumerated Powers Doctrine was effectively being ignored as early as the 1880’s.

We can rightly say it shouldn’t have happened.

But, pragmatically, there is no going back.

seems to have made a port call in Dobbs

Yes, even the early “progressives” were scumbags.

But even long established lawlessness is still lawlessness.

The first reform is to remove this dumb turd.

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Roe/Casey/Dobbs were/are not an enumerated power issue. Roe was simply a power grab by the courts under the guise of substantive due process.

Enumerated powers violations must arise from Congressional statutes.

Ergo: Social Security, Medicare, Obamacare, National Parks, et al.

Now the Supreme Court has struck down at least one NEW violation of enumerated powers, the Gun Free School Zones Act, as not being encompassed by the Commerce Clause.

But that has been the rare exception, not the rule.

Heritage has a good article out regarding the CFPB.

They also highlighted something I had forgotten that highlights the need to put the CFPB on appropriated funding.

Quoted from the linked article:

The bureau’s director can demand up to 12% of the Federal Reserve’s operating budget as he pleases. The Fed cannot say no, and Congress cannot adjust that funding based on its assessment of the bureau’s priorities, activities, or performance. This “double insulation” from the appropriations process gave it “an off-books charge card that rings up unappropriated monies.”

Just as the director’s tenure allowed the bureau to ignore the priorities of any given president, so the independent funding mechanism allowed the bureau to ignore Congress with impunity, secure in the knowledge that its operations would remain well-funded to the tune of $717.5 million annually.

For example, during President Barack Obama’s administration, when members of Congress asked Richard Cordray, then the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s director, why he was spending hundreds of millions of dollars on a new headquarters building, he snapped back, “What does that matter to you?”

That supreme arrogancy is, in and of itself, enough reason to support the ruling of the court and to put the CFPB on appropriated funding.

That way, a future Director, not with arrogance, but with humbleness, must come before Congress and beg for funding for what he thinks he needs, not ■■■■■■■ take it at will.

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This is intrue, for the Court too only has enumerated Jurisdiction, therefore powers, and scribbling margin note in crayon on the Constitution and directing all inquiries to them rather than to it is not a lawful power of the Court.

Simply, if it is worse than a solemn mockery to require justices to take their oaths of offices but turn a blind eye to the Law and only see statute then what is it to require others in other departments to take the same oath, which Marshall admits in Marbury, and then require them to turn a blind eye to the Law and only see the opinions of the Court?

Consequently, the scum in black robes are condemned and worthy of derision.